Politics My American Journey Pdf


Monday, November 25, 2019

A great American success story an endearing and well-written book.”—The New York Times Book Review Colin Powell is the embodiment. My American Journey is a marvelous work, and it provided an unexpected payoff. As I read it, I started to underline noteworthy phrases and sentences and. “A great American success story an endearing and well-written book.”—The New York Times Book Review Colin Powell is the embodiment of the American.

My American Journey Pdf

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Get Free Access To | My American Journey PDF Now. MY AMERICAN JOURNEY . Download: My American Journey. MY AMERICAN JOURNEY - In this site. My American Journey is the powerful story of a life well lived and well told. My American Journey PDF eBook by Colin Powell, Joseph E. Persico (). print Print; document PDF In MY AMERICAN JOURNEY, the former Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff and one-time National Security Adviser to President.

The spine end is good. Powell signed in black felt tip pen on the title page of the book. The book has Autographed Colin Powell 1st Edition Book. This is a first edition, autographed, hardcover book entitled.

He has signed his name on one of his personal book plates. All of my Autographed books that He was born in Harlem to immigrant parents from Jamaica.

Then he joined the Army. The rest is history - but a history that until now has been known only on the surface. We see Powell growing up, getti Later printing, signed by General Colin Powell in black felt on personalized bookplate affixed to front fly paper; Very light shelf wear to white and blue boards, while the dust jacket shows light she Hutchinson, First UK Edition.

A near fine copy in a near fine dust jacket. Mild dust soiling to the lower page block.

The dust jacket has rubs at the corners and at the head and heel of First edition! Coleen Powell, My American Journey. Hardback, dust jacket, Nice condition see all pictures.

From my personal collection. Smoke free home.

Will ship within 3 to five business days Colin Powell with Tony Koltz. An attractive copy. Stated First Edition, first printing with complete number line, in dust jacket. Over 30, books sold with. The Biogarphy also goes into his childhood and was co-written by Joesph E. Stated Full Number Row of 2 4 6 8 7 5 3. Random House does not use a 1 in their Row. This is a tough Book to get Signed Limited Edition. Original cloth. Very Good. Powell Kevin Maness Dr. Houston Baker English 7 December A white lady This address at Madison was the first that I had delivered that in any large measure dealt with the general problem of the races.

Those who heard it seemed to be pleased with what I said and with the general position that I took.

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Booker T. Washington, Up From Slavery, p. Colin L. Powell, My American Journey, p. Washington, was published in In it Washington told the story of how a former slave "worked hard" to defy overwhelming forces of history, poverty, and lack of education to become a nationally recognized leader of and spokesperson for the black American population as well as a man with power to influence white decision-makers of the North and South.

He tells of white leaders and philanthropists who served as mentors, who influenced his own style of leadership and his philosophy of business and politics.

His autobiography is dominated by his relationship to two educational institutions- Hampton Institute where he was educated, and Tuskegee, which he founded and led until his death in He saw both schools as instrumental for improving, or eliminating, the inferior social caste of blacks in the post-Reconstruction South.

Written nearly one hundred years later, Colin L. Powell's autobiography, My American Journey, is similar to Washington's. Powell's preface illustrates this similarity as it sets the unflinchingly optimistic tone of his book: Mine is the story of a black kid of no early promise from an immigrant family of limited means who was raised in the South Bronx, and somehow rose to become the National Security Advisor to the President of the United States and then Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff.

It is a story of hard work and good luck, of occasional rough times, but mostly good times.

It is a story of service and soldiering. It is a story about the people who helped make me what I am. It is a story of my benefiting from opportunities created by the sacrifice of those who went before me and maybe my benefiting those who will follow. It is a story of faith—faith in myself, and faith in America. Above all, it's a love story: love of family, of friends, of the Army, and of my country.

It is a story that could only have happened in America, viii Powell's upward mobility, hard work, and public leadership clearly parallel Washington's.

Only the key institutional site is different—Washington's Tuskegee as opposed to Powell's Army. Despite this and several other differences, the life stories of Washington and Powell are significantly alike in their underlying purposes and demeanor.

Both Up From Slavery and My American Journey seem carefully crafted to educate and please Sir Philip Sidney would say "to teach and delight" a largely white, mainstream book-buying audience. Specifically, among many other agenda items, both Washington and Powell seek to "lift" black people out of their subordinate social stratum by persuading a white audience that black people are "good" people—that is, capable, talented, intelligent, and hard-working—and therefore worthy of respect and equal opportunity.

At the same time, both authors believe that communicating such a message requires making a white, politically and economically empowered audience comfortable with the goodwill of the black messenger. Tracing this often conflicting duality—teaching and pleasing—in Maness 2 the works of Washington and Powell provides insight not only into their autobiographical projects but also into their intended audiences.

Though Washington and Powell both state their desire to contribute to the improvement of racial affairs in America, there are certainly other items on their agendas, as well. Both men are attracted to the pecuniary benefits of authorship and publication; Powell is especially forthcoming about this motivation in his preface: "The commercial prospects [of writing an autobiography] could not be ignored" vii.

It might also be assumed that Washington is attracted by the revenue that an autobiography could raise, perhaps for the benefit of Tuskegee Institute; in fact Up From Slavery contains several veiled pleas for donations for Tuskegee Stepto 37, In addition to raising money, it is also important for Washington to use his autobiography to further and protect his power base so that he can continue his work in the South.

The timing of Powell's book, released as the Presidential Campaign was building momentum, suggests that Powell too was using his story as a political tool to maintain and improve his favorable approval ratings with American voters despite his later decision not to run for President. Finally, both men make the conventional autobiographical claim that they are simply and humbly writing to satisfy an obligation to their many curious supporters and friends—Washington's "surprising" "numbers of requests which came to [him] from all parts of the country" xxv and Powell's "Friends" who "encouraged [him] to do it," partially by claiming that Powell "owe[d it to [his] grandchildren" vii.

However, along with these motivations, both writers also claim a more selfless, communal mission: to improve the social status of black Americans. In this paper, I am most interested in how Washington and Powell adjust their representations of themselves in order to communicate this "mission" to their white audiences. Houston Baker suggests in "Meditation on Tuskegee" that there are several pressing questions which must be raised when discussing modern black intellectuals, and the same questions apply to modern black leaders: 1 subject position who one speaks as ; 2 public sphere constructivism what criteria under whose control define the range and limits of one's articulations ; 3 audience determination can one assume a stable podium and a sense of black self- possession before an interested black mass audience, or, will one be kept forever as a "nigger boy" speaking on the run?

By imposing this definition of "successful" on black leaders, the general white audience effectively "controls and defines the range and limits of their articulations. In Up From Slavery Washington clarifies his intention, saying that the students at Hampton which Washington attended studied not for self-aggrandizement, but to prepare themselves "to lift up the people at.

For himself, Washington declares: "from early childhood I have had a desire to do something to make the world better, and then to be able to speak to the world about that thing" More important than these singular statements, however, is that Washington founded and served diligently as principal of the Tuskcgcc Institute, which was dedicated to providing the poorest of black men and women with a basic education and industrial skills so that they could function effectively in the American marketplace.

Powell, however, makes no explicit claims to be a leader in the modern struggle for equal rights. In her essay "White Privilege and Male Privilege" Professor Peggy Mcintosh catalogs "privileges" that white people are granted undeservedly in America; one is "I am never asked to speak for all the people of my racial group" 7.

Readers who critique My American Journey, myself included, betray their prejudicial expectation that Powell will speak for his race by their tendency to remark almost accusingly on Powell's "singularly non-combative" stance on race issues Powers 4. This expectation assumes unfairly that a black man writing his autobiography must concern himself with combating racism. On the contrary, the primary action in Powell's autobiography is his ascent from the Bronx to the highest military position in the United States, so the book may fit better in the rags-to-riches sub-genre of autobiography than into the polemic autobiography category contrast with The Autobiography of Malcolm X.

However, although Powell is no race rebel, he does indeed profess a desire to use his Maness 4 success to contribute to the benefit of black Americans. I am reminded of another of Mcintosh's privileges: "I can do well in a challenging situation without being called a credit to my race" 7.

This, however, is a privilege that Powell seems willing to forgo, for it is precisely through doing well in a challenging situation that Powell hopes to benefit his race. He is happy to know that as a famous black General, he can represent to white people the potential for success of other black people. In fact, this is the heart of Powell's race education curriculum; the strategy he chooses to employ in schooling America to abjure its prejudice involves using himself as his primary audio- visual aid: My career should serve as a model to fellow blacks, in or out of the military, in demonstrating the possibilities of American life.

Equally important, I hoped then and now that my rise might cause prejudiced whites to question their prejudices, and help purge the poison of racism from their systems, so that the next qualified African-American who came along would be judged on merit alone. In other words, as long as standardized test scores measure "merit" as in the Educational Testing Service's "National Merit Scholarship" using culturally biased apparatus, then "merit" means "ability to function in mainstream, white culture.

Thanks to you, they've seen a black man who could cut it in a white world. And that helped me. Although the construction of Colin L. Powell as an example of a successful black man "in a white world" is the central activity of My American Journey, Powell does not presume that he will eliminate prejudice singlehandedly. Just as Washington depends on his institutions—Hampton and Tuskegee Institutes—Powell also enlists institutional support to accomplish his educational Maness 5 objectives; Powell's choice is the United States Army.

Army and Tuskegee Institute initially seem like drastically different kinds of organizations with vastly disparate goals and methods, Powell's partial, even affectionate description of the Army dissolves this difference, demonstrating that, in his mind, the Army is every bit as much dedicated to improving the inferior status of African-Americans as Tuskegee.

According to Powell: fortunately, [Southern blacks] had joined the most democratic institution in America, where they could rise or fall on merit The military had given African-Americans more equal opportunity than any other institution in American society, I pointed out If anyone asks me what institution in America provides the greatest opportunity,I say take a look at what the U.

Army did for me Armed Forces—have made some contributions toward the fight against discrimination. Tuskegee managed to educate thousands of poor, black men and women in the post-Reconstruction South where education was seen as a way to "spoil perfectly good Negroes.

Topeka Board of Education. But criticism of the contributions of both institutions abounds and must be considered here because these institutions are instrumental in establishing the subject positions of both men. Powell is aware of the major problem underlying the service of blacks in the military, acknowledging that "A certain ambivalence has always existed among African-Americans about military service.

Why should we fight for a country that, for so long, did not fight for us, that in fact denied us our fundamental rights? The irony of the government's vows to preserve the American way of life or to defend liberty overseas while black people could not vote, drink from certain water fountains, or go to church without fear of white supremacist violence is obvious, and Powell alludes to this irony when describing his return from Vietnam: The date was November Three weeks before, I had been in Vietnam on the day that that country's president had been assassinated and the government overturned.

This afternoon, the President of my country has been murdered. And while I had been off fighting for the freedom of foreigners, four little black girls had been killed by a bomb planted in Birmingham's 16th Street Baptist Church.

'My American Journey': Will He or Won't He?

I had returned home, it seemed, to a world turned upside down. They did it because they believed that if they demonstrated equal courage and equal sacrifice in fighting and dying for their country, then equality of opportunity surely must follow. Washington's word works well in this context counter-myth to Powell's optimism.

After serving four hellish tours in the bush Powell spent several relatively quiet months in the jungle before being sent to the support staff in the rear where he did office work , Curtis returns to the Bronx to find neighborhoods decimated by poverty, drugs, and crime, where the only powerful and wealthy black people are dealers and pimps. He is constantly confronted with the question: you served the country for four years, you were decorated with medals, and what did you get?

In fact, all of the prominent adults in the film are forgotten, black veterans: his father served in World War II, and his boss and mentor lost a leg in Korea. Certainly, the overseas military service of Curtis and the members of his community fails to translate into equal opportunity at home, despite the images of interracial teamwork we see in the film's Vietnam segments. The movie underscores that fact that the Army does not reward equal service with equal opportunity for all soldiers, undermining Powell's armed forces myth.

The Maness 7 military actually seems to be a singularly undemocratic system;1 rather, it is a top-down, formal power structure that discourages its lower ranks from questioning authority. Powell himself reinforces this point several times, acknowledging that many matters are simply "above his pay grade" and that "ours was not to question the wisdom" of the authorities When asked to fill a White House post, he admits that "turning down the White House does not come easily to a soldier schooled in obedience" Although Powell later learns how to give orders as well as take them, the Army remains a hierarchy in which those with more power demand the obedience and respect, and often the fear, of those with less power.

So when Powell talks about how glad he is to see Southern blacks in the Army working and eating side-by-side with people before whom they would once have been expected to "bow and scrape" , I wonder if the Army is instead a place where men and women are taught to accept bowing and scraping as a normative behavior for people at the lower end of the spectrum of power.

Washington's Tuskegee Institute. DuBois lashed out against Washington and his "Tuskegee Machine," which churned out black graduates whose lives and careers were then controlled by the tremendous influence of the "wizard of Tuskegee," Booker T.

That Washington's methods were influenced by the military mindset is highly probable. One of his first and greatest mentors, General Samuel C. Armstrong, was the principal and founder of the Hampton institute where Washington was educated and where he developed much of his educational philosophy.

According to Horace Mann Bond, General Armstrong "believed in the general discipline of 'military training,' and in the dignity of labor for members of an 'undeveloped' race" While at Hampton, Washington learned to pass military style inspections of his clothing and hygiene and he volunteered to live in a tent in the dead of winter because Hampton was short on housing which he did without complaint.

The unquestioning, boundless loyalty that General Armstrong inspires in his students is so great that students volunteer to incur severe discomfort and labor to please him. Curiously, Washington describes the students' devotion to Armstrong in terms remarkably similar to those with which he describes the white- constructed, mythical relation of the slaves to their masters. Of Armstrong Washington reports: I recall that one of the General's former students had occasion to push [the Maness 8 General's wheelchair] up a long, steep hill that taxed his strength to the utmost.

When the top of the hill was reached, the former pupil, with a glow of happiness on his face, exclaimed, "I am so glad that I have been permitted to do something that was real hard for the General before he dies! They were just as anxious to assist in the nursing as the family relatives of the wounded. Some of the slaves would even beg for the privilege of sitting up at night to nurse their wounded masters. Rather than educating students and soldiers who will go out into the world and fight in the struggle for equality, Tuskegee and the Army engage in subservience training that teaches their young patrons to ignore the struggle or to express the fight in "singularly non-combative" language.

Whether or not he learned this non-combative language at Hampton, it is Washington's reluctance to criticize candidly the racism of American society that disturbs many modem readers of Washington as well as many contemporary readers like DuBois and newspaper editor William Monroe Trotter.

Washington's refusal to condemn his white rapist father 30 , his assertion that slavery was worse for white people than for blacks 38 , his understated description of the KKK 70 , his repeated denial of bitterness, and many other silences on racial violations are symptomatic of the characteristically conciliatory stance that Washington assumes with his white audience.

It is easy to understand Washington's caution since, on average, around black men were lynched every year during his lifetime, some for lesser "crimes" than arguing against the oppression of black people by whites. It was therefore important for Washington to appear non-combative, modest, and satisfied in order to avoid the possibly fatal consequences of threatening or insulting especially his white Southern audience.

Yet, when one reads Colin Powell's autobiography, written one hundred years after Washington's, one may be distressed to find Powell using many of the same techniques of conciliation used by Washington. The similarity is particularly unsettling since Powell's perception that he needs to use Washingtonian placating gestures seems to indicate his belief conscious or subconscious—or perhaps it is his publisher's belief that the American reading public is still uncomfortable enough with a successful, famous, black leader to require that that leader use cautious, placating language when telling his story, especially if he purposes to Maness 9 address racial issues.

One of the Washingtonian techniques is the heavy use of authenticating documents to establish one's excellent reputation without the appearance of arrogance.

Colin Powell Signed Books

Washington's use of authenticating documents is well-studied Stepto 42 and others. By quoting newspaper articles and letters from philanthropists and political leaders, he is able to maintain his modesty and apparent objectivity while also establishing his power, skill, and national reputation.

In addition to quoting newspaper reporters and famous people to establish his eminence in national affairs, Washington also establishes himself as an outstanding crowd-pleaser by documenting how satisfied his audiences have always been with his public speaking appearances.

In doing so, he implies that since he has pleased in the past, surely he will continue to do so both in Up From Slavery and in the remainder of his public career. In addition to the passage that I quote in the epigraph of this essay, Washington also notes that his five minute speech in Atlanta prior to his appearance at the Exposition "seemed to be received with favour and enthusiasm" The newspaper reports that Washington quotes generally report the favorable reaction of his audiences for example, "the whole audience was on its feet in a delirium of applause" [].

Colin Powell makes clever use of authenticating documents in his biography, as well. First, Powell uses photographs which "never lie" to formulate his image as a great man.

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Almost all of the photos in the two sets of pictures show Powell in uniform. The effect is to place himself in a pantheon of world figures without Powell ever writing, "I am a great leader. First, in an endearing move which creates a kind of family-style intimacy, Powell quotes his own daughters' child-like praise, and he asks with playful modesty "Who am I to quarrel with my daughters'judgments.

In my judgment, he should be on your "short list" for potential vice presidents.. Ted, Maness 10 You are right about Colin Powell. A class guy in every way.It is a story of service and soldiering. New York: Random House, This address at Madison was the first that I had delivered that in any large measure dealt with the general problem of the races. From my personal collection. As an educator, I charge you to be a goals to set because of the unstable political climate mentor to someone and assemble pictures of your and security and safety concerns which are well heroes on your wall, and keep them in your mind as known barriers that limit the dreams of many a motivating factor.

Army and Tuskegee Institute initially seem like drastically different kinds of organizations with vastly disparate goals and methods, Powell's partial, even affectionate description of the Army dissolves this difference, demonstrating that, in his mind, the Army is every bit as much dedicated to improving the inferior status of African-Americans as Tuskegee. Download Hi Res. Almost all of the photos in the two sets of pictures show Powell in uniform.

Tuskegee managed to educate thousands of poor, black men and women in the post-Reconstruction South where education was seen as a way to "spoil perfectly good Negroes. William Gates among others.