Politics Hannah Arendt As Origens Do Totalitarismo Pdf


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ARENDT, Hannah. Origens do - Ebook download as PDF File . pdf) or view presentation slides online. A Condição Humana PDF As Origens do Totalitarismo PDF Da Violência PDF Hannah Arendt (). A partir da análise de Origens do Totalitarismo, de , e de Eichmann em Na análise do caso Eichmann, Arendt percebeu que o réu agia banalmente, .. Hannah Arendt: antissemitismo, imperialismo e totalitarismo.

Conversely, without the reality of civil and political rights, without effective liberty understood in its broadest sense, economic, social and cultural rights in turn lack any real significance. This idea of the necessary integrality, interdependence and indivisibility regarding the concept and the reality of the content of human rights that is, in a certain sense, implicit in the Charter of the United Nations, was compiled, expanded and systematized in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, definitively reaffirmed in the Universal Covenants on Human Rights approved by the General Assembly in , and in force since , as well as in the Proclamation of Teheran of , and the Resolution of the General Assembly, adopted on December 16, , on the criteria and means for improving the effective enjoyment of fundamental rights and liberties Resolution n.

As the major landmark in the movement towards the internationalization of human rights, the Universal Declaration of promoted the conversion of these rights into an issue of legitimate interest to the international community. As Kathryn Sikkink p. The safety net of international human rights aims to redefine what is exclusively within the domestic jurisdiction of individual states. In turn, this innovative concept points to two important consequences: 1 The revision of the traditional concept of the absolute sovereignty of the state, which has become a more relative notion, to the degree that international intervention in national affairs is permitted in the cause of protecting human rights; i.

The process of universalizing human rights permitted, in turn, the formation of a normative international system for protecting these rights. The Declaration provides axiological support and a unity of values for this area of the law, with an emphasis on the universality, indivisibility and interdependence of human rights. As Norberto Bobbio p. The process of universalization of human rights has allowed the formation of an international system for protecting these rights.

In this sense, it should be emphasized that as of August See Human Development Report, UNDP , the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights had signatory countries, while the International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights had signatory countries, the Convention against Torture had , the Convention on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination had , the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women had , and the Convention on the Rights of the Child had the widest membership, with signatory countries.

Side by side with this global normative system, regional systems of protection have emerged that aim to internationalize human rights at regional level, particularly in Europe, the Americas and Africa.

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There is also an incipient Arab system and a proposal for the creation of a regional system in Asia. The global and regional systems are therefore not divergent, but complementary.

Inspired by the values and principles of the Universal Declaration, they comprise a range of instruments for protecting human rights at international level. From this point of view, the various systems for the protection of human rights interact on behalf of protected individuals. The proposal for the coexistence of distinct legal instruments that guarantee the same rights is thus consistent with the expansion and strengthening of the protection of these rights.

The crucial issue is the degree of efficiency of the protection afforded, for which reason, in real life cases, the rule to be applied is that which ensures the victim the best protection. In adopting the value of the primacy of the individual, these systems complement each other, interacting with the national protection system in order to provide the greatest possible effectiveness in protecting and promoting fundamental rights.

This is also the logic and the underlying set of principles of International Law of Human Rights itself, which is entirely founded on the supreme principle of human dignity.

The contemporary conception of human rights is characterized by the universalization and internationalization of these rights, which are conceived of as indivisible. In this way, the Vienna Declaration of , signed by states, endorses the universality and indivisibility of human rights, reinvigorating the legitimacy of the so-called contemporary conception of human rights introduced by the Declaration.

The Vienna Declaration of extends, renews and expands the consensus on the universality and indivisibility of human rights, at the same time as it affirms the interdependence between the values of human rights, democracy and development. There can be no human rights without democracy, nor democracy without human rights. In other words, the regime that is most compatible with the protection of human rights is the democratic regime.

At the present time, states, of the almost states that are part of the international order, hold regular elections. Amartya Sen considers that political rights including freedom of expression and debate are not only fundamental for demanding political responses to economic needs, but are central to the very formulation of these economic needs. In addition, given the indivisibility of human rights, we must abandon for good the erroneous notion that one class of rights civil and political rights require full recognition and respect, while another class social, economic and cultural rights does not require observance of any kind.

From an international normative perspective, the notion that social, economic and cultural rights are not legal rights has been superseded for good. The idea that social rights are non-actionable is purely ideological and not scientific; they stand out as authentic and genuine fundamental rights that are actionable, demandable and that require serious and responsible observance. For this reason, they should be demanded as rights, and not as gestures of charity, generosity or compassion.

Social, economic and cultural rights include protection for vulnerable groups as a central concern. An understanding of economic, social and cultural rights also demands recourse to the right to development. For Allan Rosas , pp. The right to development demands a form of globalization that is both ethical and sympathetic.

In the understanding of Mohammed Bedjaoui p. As Joseph E. Stiglitz p. This has occurred at the same time that total world income increased by an average of 2. Poverty wields its destructive influence at every stage of human life, from the moment of conception to the grave.

We would reiterate that the Vienna Declaration recognizes the interdependence between democracy, development and human rights. We thus move to the final reflection. This question entails six challenges: 1. These are necessary advances in the continuous expansion of the conceptual reach of human rights that contemplate the basic needs of social justice. In such a context, it is fundamental to consolidate and strengthen the process of affirming human rights from this integral, indivisible and interdependent perspective.

Ecos dissonantes da banalidade do mal

Incorporating gender, race and ethnicity approaches in the conception of human rights, as well as creating specific policies to protect socially vulnerable groups The effective protection of human rights demands not only universalistic policies, but also specific, those that target socially vulnerable groups, as the major victims of exclusion. In other words, the implementation of human rights demands the universality and indivisibility of these rights as well as the respect for diversity.

To the process of expanding human rights, we may add the process of specifying the subjects of these rights. The first phase of protection of human rights was characterized by a general protection, which expressed a fear of difference which under Nazism had been directed towards extermination , based on formal equality. It has nevertheless proven insufficient to treat individuals in a generic, general and abstract form, rendering it necessary to specify the subjects of law, which must be seen in all of their peculiarity and singularity.

From this point of view, certain subjects of law, or certain violations of law, require a specific and differentiated response. From this perspective, among other vulnerable categories, women, children, populations of African descent, migrants and physically disadvantaged individuals must be seen in terms of the specificities and peculiarities of their social condition.

Together with the right to equality, the right to difference also arises as a fundamental right. Respect for difference and diversity, guaranteeing these special treatment, are equally important. According to Paul Farmer p.

For Nancy Fraser pp. Let us take the example of an African-American banker on Wall Street who cannot find a taxi. In this case, the injustice of a lack of recognition has little to do with poor distribution. We may consider the example of a specialized industrial worker who becomes unemployed due to the closure of the factory in which he or she works as the result of a speculative corporate merger.

Justice has thus a two-dimensional character: redistribution plus recognition. In the same sense, Boaventura de Souza Santos , pp.

Boaventura p. This entails the need to adopt, in tandem with universalist policies, specific policies that are capable of providing visibility to individuals that are more vulnerable and that allow these to exercise their right to social inclusion in full.

We should also add the democratic component in order to guide the formulation of such public policies; i. Civil society is clamoring for greater transparency and democratic accountability in the management of public sector budgets and the construction and implementation of public policies. Within the global system, the International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights merely considers the mechanism for states to submit reports, as a way of monitoring the rights that it expresses.

Already within the interamerican system, there are plans for a system of petitions to the Interamerican Commission on Human Rights to denounce violations of the right to education and union rights, expressed in the San Salvador Protocol. In addition to introducing a system for lobbying at global level, through the adoption of the Facultative Protocol, it is also essential to optimize the use of this regional mechanism, in whatever form the right of petition takes, in order to protect rights to education and union rights.

Hannah Arendt

The potential of international litigation in securing internal advances in the regime of protecting human rights is obvious. This is the most important contribution that the use of the international system of protection can offer: promoting progress and internal advances in the protection of human rights within a given state. The incorporation of the system of individual petitions is also the result of a process of recognition of new actors among the international players, with the consequent democratization of international instruments.

If, over the course of a long period, states have been the central protagonists of the international order, today we are experiencing the emergence of new international actors, such as international organizations, regional economic blocs, individuals and international civil society. The emergence of new international actors requires the democratization of the international system for the protection of human rights.

An example of this is Protocol n.

O que nos faz pensar. Acesso em: 5 de junho de Revista de Filosofia [Curitiba]. Curitiba, v. Arendt's Hellenism.

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The Cambridge Companion to Hannah Arendt. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, , p. O conceito de poder de Hannah Arendt.

Arendt Handbuch: Leben, Werk, Wirkung. Sttutgart: J. B Metzler, Subsequent editions omitted this chapter, which was published separately in English "Totalitarian Imperialism: The Origins of Totalitarianism , like many of Arendt's books is structured as three essays, "Antisemitism", "Imperialism" and "Totalitarianism".

In this book, Arendt argues that totalitarianism was a "novel form of government," that "differs essentially from other forms of political oppression known to us such as despotism, tyranny and dictatorship" [7] in that it applied terror to subjugate mass populations rather than just political adversaries.

That totalitarianism in Germany was, in the end, about terror and consistency, not eradicating Jews only. Arendt begins the book with an analysis of the rise of antisemitism in Europe, particularly focusing on the Dreyfus affair. Arendt traces the roots of modern imperialism to the accumulation of excess capital in European nation-states during the 19th century.

This capital required overseas investments outside of Europe to be productive and political control had to be expanded overseas to protect the investments. She then examines "continental imperialism" pan-Germanism and pan-Slavism and the emergence of "movements" substituting themselves to the political parties.

These movements are hostile to the state and antiparliamentarist and gradually institutionalize anti-Semitism and other kinds of racism. Arendt concludes that while Italian Fascism was a nationalist authoritarian movement, Nazism and Stalinism were totalitarian movements that sought to eliminate all restraints upon the power of the movement.

The book's final section is devoted to describing the mechanics of totalitarian movements, focusing on Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union. Here, Arendt discusses the transformation of classes into masses, the role of propaganda in dealing with the non-totalitarian world, and the use of terror, essential to this form of government. Totalitarian movements are fundamentally different from autocratic regimes, says Arendt, insofar as autocratic regimes seek only to gain absolute political power and to outlaw opposition, while totalitarian regimes seek to dominate every aspect of everyone's life as a prelude to world domination.

She states:.

Intellectual, spiritual, and artistic initiative is as dangerous to totalitarianism as the gangster initiative of the mob, and both are more dangerous than mere political opposition.

The consistent persecution of every higher form of intellectual activity by the new mass leaders springs from more than their natural resentment against everything they cannot understand. Total domination does not allow for free initiative in any field of life, for any activity that is not entirely predictable.

Totalitarianism in power invariably replaces all first-rate talents, regardless of their sympathies, with those crackpots and fools whose lack of intelligence and creativity is still the best guarantee of their loyalty.

Arendt discusses the use of front organizations, fake governmental agencies, and esoteric doctrines as a means of concealing the radical nature of totalitarian aims from the non-totalitarian world.

A final section added to the second edition of the book in suggests that individual isolation and loneliness are preconditions for totalitarian domination. This commentary on Marxism has indicated concerns with the limits of totalitarian perspectives often associated with Marx's apparent over-estimation of the emancipatory potential of the forces of production. Habermas extends this critique in his writings on functional reductionism in the life-world in his Lifeworld and System: A Critique of Functionalist Reason.

As Habermas states:. I do not believe in such an autonomy. Precisely for this reason, the laws governing the economic system are no longer identical to the ones Marx analyzed.

Of course, this does not mean that it would be wrong to analyze the mechanism which drives the economic system; but in order for the orthodox version of such an analysis to be valid, the influence of the political system would have to be ignored.Williams, Zoe 1 February In this manner, it enshrines an integrated concept of human rights.

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Romanian EU2, Essays in Understanding: , ed. Muitas vezes as cida-des eram queimadas junto com seus habitantes. Informe Mundial sobre la Cultura, Hannah Arendt in Jerusalem.