APPLIED SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY SCHNEIDER PDF
Reviews the book, Applied Social Psychology: Understanding and Addressing Social and Practical Problems edited by Frank W. Schneider. This discipline addresses essential both fundamental and applied questions such as: When do people altruistically help each other? Why do people believe in. Applied social psychology: understanding and addressing social and practical problems / edited by Frank W. Schneider, Jamie A. Gruman, Larry M. Coutts.
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Applied Social Psychology is unique in that it provides a balanced emphasis on social psychological theory and research. Editors Frank W. Schneider, Jamie A. This text books serves as an introduction to applied social psychology, which is the branch of the field of social psychology that focuses on understanding social . Buy Applied Social Psychology 2nd edition () by Frank W. Schneider for up to 90% off at resourceone.info
Since competition and cooperation are components of I-C particularly responsive to context i. Alpha reliabilities for the scales in the present sample were: VC. For analyses across cultures the questionnaire measures of I-C were standardised within each group to control for cultural differences in acquiescence Chinese Culture Connection, ; see Hofstede, ; Schwartz, Since items on each of the four HV-IC scales were worded positively, the overall average score for all items in the total measure literally represents a response style.
The four scales in this measure enabled an exploratory analysis of the relationship between different types of collectivism and the TST coding schemes. However, the pattern of results found by Singelis et al. In addition to other organisational measures, items regarding demographic variables were placed on the final page of the questionnaire, and included age in categories , sex, level of education, country of birth, and perceived ethnicity.
Employees were made explicitly aware that the questionnaire was anonymous, confidential and entirely voluntary. Translation Because the employees in the management consultancy were bilingual, the same English- language questionnaire was distributed in the Asian branches of the management consultancy as in the Australian branches.
For the Thai hospitals, the questionnaire was translated into Thai using the method of back-translation Brislin, , and was considered to be an acceptable semantic equivalent to the original version. Language has previously been found to affect responses on the TST, with Chinese participants using more idiocentric and fewer group statements when responding in English Trafimow et al.
For consistency, since questionnaires were completed at work, they were written in the language most likely to be used in the workplace. It has been suggested that collectivist participants may have trouble coming up with ten responses because they are unused to focusing on the self Bochner, However, no significant differences were found between these participants and those who responded to the TST, on the standardised questionnaire measures of I-C.
Thus only Between groups comparison: Asia versus Australia The largest proportion of responses, for both cultures, was in the autonomous-abstract category.
These group differences were driven largely by responses in the Thai hospital samples, which included even more social and contextual responses than the Asian MC samples.
When these were broken down into the four subcategories, results were more revealing see Table 4. Consistent with predictions, compared to respondents in the individualistic culture, respondents in collectivist cultures described themselves on the TST using statements that more often referred to particular social contexts.
The Asian sample included more of both types of social responses abstract and contextual than the Australian sample. However, while the proportion of social-contextual responses was higher in the Asian sample, there were more autonomous-contextual responses in Australia. Vertical Individualism was correlated with each of the TST category scores, while Vertical Collectivism was primarily correlated with the social-contextual and abstract-autonomous categories.
These relationships were examined further in regression analyses, where the independent contribution of each TST score could be assessed. Abstract-social and autonomous-contextual response scores were entered into simultaneous multiple regression analyses on VC and VI, together with the social- contextual response score.
That is, those who included a greater proportion of responses on the TST that were both social and contextual were higher on Vertical Collectivism, but neither social nor contextual responses alone were independently significant predictors. In the regression on Vertical Individualism, both abstract social scores and contextual social scores were significant independent predictors.
Those who included a greater percentage of social responses on the TST were lower on Vertical Individualism, independent of contextualism. Autonomous-contextual responses were not independently related to Vertical Individualism. In the present cross-cultural sample, social and contextual self-concepts were highly correlated, primarily due to the fact that most social statements were also contextual and vice versa.
However, the present coding system also enabled social and contextual responses to be distinguished, with results indicating that individualism-collectivism was primarily related to the distinction between social and autonomous self-concepts whether they were contextual or abstract.
Controlling for social self scores, contextual self-concepts were not independently associated with any of the I-C measures.
This suggests that the contextual self is not directly influenced by cultural I-C, but may possibly be related to other cultural factors. I-C and social self-concept Comparisons across cultures showed that, in addition to more social-contextual statements, the Asian sample included more abstract-social self-concepts. At the individual level, abstract-social self-concepts were negatively related to Vertical Individualism.
This concept of persons is completely opposite to the individualistic notion of self as unique, special and different from others. The predominance of these terms is consistent with previous studies Cousins, ; Rhee et al. Other researchers using the TST to distinguish between relational and group categories, and between statements that are implicitly social or autonomous, have failed to find expected relationships between TST scores and I-C Bochner, ; Watkins et al.
Kashima, personal communication, September, In addition, in contrast to the present study, they used student samples Watkins et al. To some extent, these limitations were also evident in the current sample of management consultancy branches in Asia. Working in a multinational firm, employees had greater exposure to urban, developed and Western influences than in other organisations.
This was compounded by testing employees in the work context, and in English. These influences were evident in the lower level of social and contextual self-concepts compared to the Thai hospital samples. The generality of the conclusions presented here clearly needs to be demonstrated with a wider sample of national and organisational cultures. In this study, contextual scores were not related to I-C independent of the social self-concept.
That is, while the contextual self was related to I-C variables, this relationship was entirely due to social-contextual statements. Between-group differences in autonomous-contextual statements showed that collectivists actually included fewer autonomous-contextual self-concepts.
These results suggest that I-C influences the self-in-context only inasmuch as that context is social. The failure to find a direct relationship between contextualism and I-C may reflect the limited sphere in which contextualism was assessed, that is, self-concept as measured on the TST. More reliable measures of the contextual self-concept need to be developed, and other social-cognitive domains need to be investigated. They did not include countries in which contextualism had previously appeared to be the defining attribute of self, for example, Japan and India.
However, it has been independently argued that these countries have been erroneously labelled collectivistic, and are instead primarily contextual or particularistic.
Hamaguchi described the Japanese self as containing multiple self-concepts that are particularly connected with certain contexts.
These contexts determine to a large extent who is considered to be the ingroup, and how members of the ingroup relate according to the roles defined by the context.
This dimension opposes two types of value orientations that guide behaviour: abstract principles which must be applied across all situations universalism , or specific rules which apply in particular situations particularism.
Parsons and Shils saw this dimension as distinct from I-C, which they referred to as a self versus collective value orientation.
Universalism-particularism U-P is echoed to some extent by the tightness-looseness dimension of culture Pelto, ; Triandis, This predisposes a culture towards collectivism. Shweder and Bourne argue that a holistic worldview promotes contextualisation of all things and a sociocentric view of the relationship between the individual and the collective. It seems plausible that contextual thinking in general would precede, or influence, contextual thinking in the social realm.
However, Shweder and Bourne suggest that in holistic, sociocentric societies the social order might be a guide to thinking about the physical world, rather than the physical world being the model of social understanding, as it is in the West. Either way, both orientations are seen to originate in a holistic worldview.
Further research on contextualism needs to move beyond I-C and explore other cultural dimensions such as U-P. In this study, since most responses were both social and contextual, or neither, one concern was that contextualism was perhaps artificially separated from the social realm by the present methodology, and that asocial contexts may not actually be meaningful.
However, examination of the statements coded as autonomous-contextual revealed three types of valid responses. While these acknowledge context- dependency in self-concepts, they do not explicitly define which contexts are influential. The third type of autonomous-contextual self-concept explicitly referred to a particular domain.
These almost exclusively referred to the work context undoubtedly reflecting the fact that the TST was filled out at work , and to a lesser extent non-work contexts, such as home and the sporting field.
Statements included evaluations of home and work spheres e. The question still remains whether these contexts of work, home, and sporting field are inherently social or autonomous contexts. Is the situation primary, or does the social relationship lay down the parameters for behaviour and self-definition?
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This is clearly a question for future research. Acknowledgments The authors wish to thank Jintana Yunibhand, Yuwadee Luecha, and Ampaiwan Pumsrisawat for their assistance in collecting and translating the Thai data. Parkes unsw.
Because of the ipsative nature of the categories, the autonomous-abstract score is redundant and not included in the analysis. References Altrocchi, J.
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Pages with related products. Steiner, Emily With regard to person description, they argued that East Asians tended to include more social, concrete and situational responses, referring to all of these as contextual without distinction. Kind to others A warm person a bit shy, an. Although these dimensions appear to map the way actors perceive their own behaviour, we will not use them in this book.
Carson Eds. Can anything be done to balance good times and good practices?
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