MODERN HISTORY BY BIPIN CHANDRA PDF
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Challenging and revising colonial and nationalist interpretations of history, this book moves away from a largely political narrative to a social, economic and religious history of modern india.
It explains how conditions in india during the eighteenth century helped the british east india company establish its rule in india.
It also gives us important insights into the primary aim of colonial rule which was the economic exploitation of india through trade and investment. The topics are arranged thematically in order to showcase the various forces that went into the making of independent india. However, in the entire arrangement of themes, the chronology of the period is enmeshed innovatively with the various forces that evolved both as a cause and effect of british imperialist rule of the subcontinent.
The book also provides a detailed account of the nationalist movement and introduces us to the contributions of different individuals who were behind the nationalist movement.
A comprehensive textbook for students of history and interested readers, history of modern india is essential reading for a broad based understanding of the making of modern india.
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The text is largely based on the author's research on nationalism and colonialism in india and also draws from the works of eminent historians of the period. Read more Read less. Frequently bought together. Total price: Add all three to Cart Add all three to List. These items are shipped from and sold by different sellers. Show details. Buy the selected items together This item: Ships from and sold by tabletopart. Ships from and sold by Inetrade Books.
Ships from and sold by Amazon. Customers who bought this item also bought. Page 1 of 1 Start over Page 1 of 1. Indian Polity for Civil Services Examinations. India's Struggle for Independence. Bipan Chandra. India's Ancient Past. History of Medieval India.
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Try the Kindle edition and experience these great reading features: Share your thoughts with other customers. Write a customer review. What distinguishes Bipan Chandra from a large number of scholars that emerged among the Left, and ranks him among the tallest intellectuals within this tradition globally, is his refusal to surrender to any kind of dogma while pursuing his intellectual queries.
Introduction xi careful not to become a victim of the orthodoxies of the Left. As would be expected, from one who refused to be a prisoner to any dogma, Chandra had no hesitation in abandoning orthodoxies created around his own work. He readily re-evaluated his own formulations, often modifying and sometimes completely overthrowing them.
It is this courage to stand by his own convictions against powerful currents, if necessary, which enabled Chandra to make major breakthroughs in the understanding of modern and contemporary India.
A school of thought does not generally get established by the work of an individual. It requires a team effort.
It is here that Chandra can boast of another major achievement. Over the decades he has created a team of scholars around him who have filled out, expanded, innovated on and amended the breakthroughs in ideas that he sparked off and have on occasion broken new ground. One example of the intellectual output of this team is the series of monographs that have appeared under his general editorship called the Sage Series in Modern Indian History.
Much other work apart from the thirteen monographs that have so far appeared in the Series bears the imprint of the school of thought inspired by Bipan Chandra. The group was formed in the first years of the new millennium to combat the massive efforts made by the Hindu communalists to attack secular and scientific history-writing in India and replace it with communal interpretations of history with the active support of the BJP-led NDA regime. It also includes works which had not yet been published in their entirety.
The volume called for yet another edition in after numerous reprints as it was a marker of the significant breaks made by Chandra at that time, some of which have stood the test of time till today.
However, in many areas Chandra made considerable advances over his own position in I will, in this introduction, attempt to provide a flavour of the nature of the breakthroughs made by Bipan Chandra by drawing from some of the essays in the collection.
India Struggle for Independence by Bipin Chandra
Over time they succeeded in eroding the imperialist ideological hegemony over the Indian people. In greater or lesser degree, this denial is common to the colonial, neo-colonial and subaltern historiography as well as to some strands of the Left approach.
He argues that the strategy of the movement or the forms of struggle it adopted, were not to be seen in a class reductionist manner as they did not emerge out of the interest of any one class but were a function of the nature of the state that it sought to overthrow. The movement would A school, which claims to give voice to the Indian poor, largely from the safe 12 and sanitised environs of the First World.
Introduction xv thus keep growing and strengthening itself in an upward spiraling circle till victory was achieved. Gandhiji himself had clarified that suspension of a movement did not mean surrender or compromise with imperialism.
The latter can only end when India has a constitution of her own making. Also, if the movement was to be a mass movement involving millions, including the poor, and not a guerilla movement or a movement led by a revolutionary army then non-violence would be the suitable form.
A non-violent mass movement defying the government put the colonial state on the horns of a dilemma.
If it suppressed the movement it lost ground on the moral-hegemonic terrain, being seen as using brutal power to suppress peaceful protestors, and if it did not suppress the movement it lost again as the state was seen as incapable of asserting its authority.
Reiterating that the Indian national movement was a multi-class movement of all classes oppressed by imperialism, Chandra insists that there was no inherent class essence or a predetermined fixed class character of the movement.
Chandra here makes a major departure from existing historiographical positions of all hues, including his own. Not only does he see the national movement as open-ended and capable of being transformed in a radical direction but he now sees Gandhiji as a brilliant leader of this popular movement who far from being bourgeois or non-revolutionary played a critical role in trying to ensure that the class adjustment that necessarily had to happen in a multi-class movement, happened increasingly in favour of the poor and oppressed.
Gandhiji not only met all the three criteria Lenin14 had outlined for declaring a national liberation movement as revolutionary, i. It is regarding the third criteria, Chandra argues, that not only did Gandhiji not prevent Communists from organising the masses, he created conditions favourable to the increase in Left ideological influence. In fact, Gandhiji himself increasingly moved in the Left direction. Interviews with a large number of Left leaders of the national movement from all over India conducted by Chandra and his team repeatedly confirmed the positive correlation between the spread of the national movement and the possibility of the emergence of the Left.
It was another matter that many on the Left rather than build on the Gandhian legacy dissipated the advantage by positing themselves against it and even demonising it.
Perhaps the tallest from among the Left who did not do so was Jawaharlal Nehru. Introduction xvii As Bipan Chandra began to get a better grasp of Gandhiji, his position on Nehru also underwent a fundamental change.
In an essay written in , Chandra argued that during to Nehru had reached the high water mark of his radicalism as a Marxist, where he showed the capacity to break out of the Gandhian framework into a revolutionary mould. Evidently an understanding of Gandhi was the key to an understanding of various aspects of the Indian national movement.
Once one got the former right the rest seemed to fall in place readily. The failure of the Stalin-Marxist position, which was beginning to marginalise the Left and the success of the Gramscian path of war of position pursued by Gandhi made Nehru re-evaluate the Gandhian strategy. He no longer saw the Congress as a structured bourgeois party but one which was not only capable of being transformed in the socialist direction but was actually gradually shifting left-wards.
Chandra in this piece and elsewhere brilliantly details the process of Nehru gradually discovering Gandhi and as predicted by Gandhi beginning to speak his language over time. He also shows how Nehru was among the first in the world to break out of Stalin-Marxism, to emphasise somewhat precociously that while there could be no true democracy without socialism there would be no socialism without democracy.
Nehru began to veer towards the position that socialism could not be brought about by coercion or force. The socialist transformation required societal consensus, the consent of the overwhelming majority of the people. To succeed, it had to be socialism by 95 per cent. Nehru was anticipating what later events were to validate and what was to be slowly accepted globally.
Chandra demonstrates how Gandhiji had a holistic understanding of secularism encompassing all the four terms in which secularism has been defined in India and elsewhere. That is, for Gandhiji secularism meant separation of religion from politics; neutrality of the state towards all faiths or equal regard for all faiths including atheism; state treating all citizens as equal and not discriminating in favour or against anyone on the basis of his or her religion and finally, emerging specifically out of the Indian situation, secularism meant uniting the Indian people against colonialism, which meant secularism in India would involve unambiguous opposition to communalism.
Here religion does not mean sectarianism. It means a belief in ordered moral government of the universe This religion transcends Hinduism, Islam, Christianity, etc.
He also argued that the state was not to get involved in religious education, leaving it to religious institutions. The fact that Gandhiji often used imagery or idioms from Hindu mythology or scriptures has often been used by both his secular and Muslim communal critics to argue that he was catering to Hindu communalism.
His use of the term Ramrajya to define what Swaraj in India would mean was the most cited example.
Here again Gandhiji was being misrepresented. As Chandra shows, Gandhiji was certainly not using Ramrajya to mean Hindu raj but as a just, humane, moral and egalitarian system of governance. I meanThe fact that Gandhiji often used imagery or idioms from Hindu mythology or scriptures has often been used by both his secular and Muslim communal critics to argue that he was catering to Hindu communalism.
Top Reviews Most recent Top Reviews. He argues that the strategy of the movement or the forms of struggle it adopted, were not to be seen in a class reductionist manner as they did not emerge out of the interest of any one class but were a function of the nature of the state that it sought to overthrow. History of Medieval India.
Introduction xv thus keep growing and strengthening itself in an upward spiraling circle till victory was achieved.