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NDEBELE BIBLE PDF

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Hundreds of versions in + different languages - the Bible that goes with you anywhere. Download the Free Bible App. The Bible in isiNdebele - Ndebele. People viewing your Event can tap your reference to see it in their Bible App reader, where they can Bookmark it, Highlight it, and more. isiNdebele [ Ndebele]. Contents 1. The Holy Bible in Ndebele, Matabele Bible Spoken in Zimbabwe, Botswana, and South Africa, Since 2. The Holy Bible in Basic English.


Ndebele Bible Pdf

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lomphostoli kaJesu Khristu wokukholwa kwabakhethiweyo bakaNkulunkulu lokwazi iqiniso eliholela ekwesabeni. uNkulunkulu – ukukholwa lokwazi okweyame. 2 Umusa lokuthula kakube kini kuvela. kuNkulunkulu uBaba laseNkosini uJesu. Khristu. Ukubonga Lokukhuleka. 3 Ngiyambonga uNkulunkulu wami sikhathi. I UPhawuli, inceku kaKhristu uJesu, owabizelwa ukuba ngumphostoli njalo wahlukaniselwa ivangeli likaNkulunkulu. – ivangeli alithembisa ngaphambili.

What preoccupied their language debates were issues of history and Ndebele identity, not the technical side of literature that worried government and missionaries.

Elsewhere I have demonstrated how commoners and aristocrats secretly struggled for the legitimacy of their respective languages. Whilst commoners wanted a more inclusive Sindebele, the Court insisted on the politically significant Isizulu. Interestingly, they came at a time when colonialism had ravaged society and the royal family was becoming irrelevant, being at variance with the majority.

Interest in "going back to the roots," which meant imagining Zuluness, was less significant, although that view was strongly held by its exponents. These included Zulu African teachers from South Africa, local ministers at institutions where Zulu was taught, commoners who took pride in a sense of Zulu history, remnants of the Ndebele ruling family, and those chiefs claiming zansi or pure- blooded Nguni origins.

The LMS remained adamant in defending Sindebele as the people's language, and in the s worked on producing the whole Bible in Sindebele. Benzies, "Sindebele in Relation to Zulu Language," Many Z become unintelligible in Sindebele.

Opinions about Simple Bible - Ndebele (BBE)

For Methodist minister Rev. Samkan Zulu was in the interest of African unity. He thought it was more c tribes be united under one language rather than remain the Babel t had in mind the formation, through one language, of larger identit Ndebele, Zulu, Xhosa, Shangani, Pondo, Fingos, and Swazi as second cluster that involved Sotho, Tswana, Barolong, Pedi, Bakw Barotse; and a third cluster involving Zezuru, Manyika, Makarang kore, and Budya and tributary tribes.

He thought it would be eas literature to educate all Southern Africans in this way rather tha develop a separate literature in each small language. The British people all over the w language of their mother country and not a mixture.

If you as people in this country or suggest to them that they should Kaffir in their schools, you would be insulting them; why t Amandebele to use the Colonial language in place of Zulu?

Wha has made my friends to advocate Sindebele? I believe it is be were told that they were also a nation, and that they should b the Zulu language- their own kith and kin?

Is it fair and Divided, we fall; united, we stand! He sa Mzilikazi's language was Zulu, it was imperative that people be tau 57 Obie L. Mzilethi Bulawayo , 20 February He argued in fact the Ndebele national language, being the impande root of S advocates of Sindebele were linguistically ignorant; that they had by the LMS; and that they wanted to remove zansi children from category. He hoped to salvage the lost generation by teaching Zulu. The children would in turn teach their mothers and fathers I original language of Ndebele people.

According to Sibanda, who was obviou Sindebele as a language reflected the true ethnic position of the N from the time they left Nguniland, became "a new tribe with a n Sindebele. We do not want foreign languages introduc us. See also John M. Zikhali, "Isindebele Nesizulu," Bantu ; telephone interview with Mr.

Mzilethi, 20 February For the view that impure, corrupted language, see E. Nkobi, "Sindebele or Zulu?

Sibanda, "Sizafunda Isizulu na? It was an attempt to wipe away what Ndebele ethnic identity, an "atrocity" against all future Ndebele g Should Zulu be used, the name Matabeleland would become m because, as Halimana said, "we will be no longer Mandebeles and th first thing in the history of life.

While Zulu became the language of instruction in most school become widespread as a spoken language since children did not us homes, where Sindebele retained its power. This further co language position.

While students learned "proper Sindebele" whi at home and in the community they remained Ndebele. Fuyana student in the mid- s, told me that learning Zulu and reading that depicted images of Tshaka, Dingane, and other warriors did no He said since that literature depicted "a history that any other K other Nguni person would have enjoyed; we enjoyed it because that roots were.

Fuyana, New Luveve, 3 April ; C. It was not imagined but also differentially mobilized on the basis of precolonial reali From the mid- s to early s, the struggle between an imagin aristocratic Zulu identity and a popular Ndebele ethnicity continued to Advocates of Ndebele ethnicity still distinguished between Ndebele peop Ngunis.

While it promoted the use of Sindebele also absorbed in promoting the Ndebele ruling class. With increasing emp Zulu in school and the dilution of Sindebele in town, activists emphasize revival of Sindebele78 and the suppression of Lapalapa "Kitchen Kaffir" , Nyanja, and Tjikalanga.

The promotion of Ndebele ethnicity, through Sindeb occupied most of the s, as we shall see in the next section. Language Debates in the s In Bulawayo, the struggle for ethnic space manifested itself through lingu other means.

Interestingly, Bulawayo, the last residence of Lobengula, or had a foreign outlook, inhabited in its core by non-Ndebele who populari language by inviting more of their homeboys to town.

Between the late 1 the s, however, more Ndebele and Kalanga people flocked into Bulaw This created not only an employment crisis, but also an identity crisis for th A struggle to control Bulawayo developed, which found expression prim the politics of naming places, streets, and buildings, and the quest for lin dominance in the press.

Because the struggle now involved ethnic ou internal debates within Ndebele society on the Zulu-Ndebele issue maint low profile in the s. Focus was now on public expressions of ethnicity rather than on private, internal debates on linguistic purity.

For reasons of strength, the MHS needed to w net to bring some Kalanga into the fold. This attempt had in fact begun earlier, in the mid- s, but with little success.

With spoken Sindebele gaining more urban ground a Nyanja, and Tjikalanga, it became the lingua franca of the town. A printed Tjikalanga was not even thought of in the paper before t Ndebele patriots wanted more space, demanding Sindebele not onl paper, but also in the Supplement of the weekly Bantu Mirror, ost interest of "justice and commonsense on our people.

This particular quest for more S a year after Kalanga activist Mapisa's request for Tjikalanga in th been turned down by the editor, on the grounds that Kalanga peopl stand Sindebele,82 reflecting the official sympathy Sindebele had Matabeleland languages. The Sindebele debate, clearly an ethnic one, was not confined In Bulawayo, where Ndebele people were latecomers, most Native clerks, interpreters, and messengers were non-Ndebele.

Thes Ndebele by the manner in which they represented Sindebele i notices. It always came last, after English and Shona, giving Ndebe and activists a feeling that their language was a third-class languag home. In the Salvation Army, for instance, where the leader dominantly Shona, the church used mainly Shona in their service 81 E.

This conflict in was only by the police. Matthews Sc the grounds that there were fewer Ndebele than Shona children there. The won. In , a Bantu Mirror correspondent, "Ndebele," wrote from the Inyati Reserve to encourage the Ndebele of Bulawayo to stop being controlled by "the Shona minorities. In Bulawayo at this date, however, it seems that Ndebele remained far less numerous than Shona.

There was also an important relationship between language and the poli- tics of history, memory making, and ethnocartography. This was common in the struggle to name places, streets, and public institutions.

While the Shona people who had taken an earlier lead in the Advisory Boards wanted their history and their ancestors remembered in Bulawayo, the Ndebele would not accept the perpetuation of this foreign outlook in the traditional kraal of Lobengula!

This is where the whole problem lay. Naming, a linguistic issue, is actually ethnicity in 86 J. The name Rufaro offended Ndebele people who prote preferring instead a Ndebele one. They wanted "the right name place" to avoid "untold harm" to the people of Matabeleland.

Ruf had no historical meaning in Matabeleland and was intended Ndebele power to name. As the Ndebele were busy with the politics of languag Kalanga people were struggling for any space in the newspapers how Tjikalanga remained the language of the home, although it w higher levels at school.

Tjikalanga was absent from the press as the mids, regardless of earlier demands. To the Kalanga, the their language would enhance their status, since they would transc "minority group" and become ludzi lukulu, a big tribe. At one point, the Kalanga, who were well represented in the A National Congress, wanted Tjikalanga to become the official langu Matabeleland politics, giving it a regional status.

The struggle for Tjikalanga, associated with resistance to the notion inclusive regional Ndebele identity, gained ground in the mids wi formation of the Kalanga Cultural Society. Th close relationship among Kalanga across the borders for years, with teach Botswana coming to Southern Rhodesia to teach Kalanga and vice- versa the level of community, people took advantage of the loose border con maintain informal contacts with other Kalanga people in Botswana.

To the Afric News, Kalanga activism was to be discouraged as tribalism, destroying never published in TjiKalanga. Only the Bantu Mirror gave some Tjikalanga, albeit belatedly.

This was in response to a Kalanga campaign the injustice of using Chinyanja, a Malawian language, in the press, whil African Home News, 1 1 May Millius Palayiwa, 27 March For an earlier letter by Malikongwa in , see editorial comment Mirror, 1 February Auspiciously, Tjikalanga even replaced Nyanja i Bantu Mirror became a platform for announcing Kalanga meeting Tjikalanga, thereby excluding all those who might have been intere not linguistically Kalanga.

People at these meetings discussed how their literature and the use of Tjikalanga in schools, both perceived Kalanga identity, and gave birth to the Kalanga Literature Associat This group intended to promote Kalanga in the Mirror, to promote of Kalanga texts, and to lobby both the Southern Rhodesia and the ernments for Tjikalanga to be taught in schools in their districts, in bele. The press also became a platform for celebrating Kalanga living heroes such as successful businessmen like Simon Phapho, and cultural activists and educationists like Gwakuba Ndlovu.

In Tjikalanga, however, they could pride themselves on the growth of their tribe.

The Bible in isiNdebele [Ndebele]

Mathambo Nkomo, "Mr. Masola," Bantu Mirror, 14 May While some educated elites from Zululand, some missionaries, government offi- cials, and Nguni Ndebeles abezansi tried to promote Zulu language and culture, most commoners were indisposed. This provoked debates about who a real Ndebele was and whether Ndebele shared a common identity with Zulu.

The commoner or popular opinion was that being Ndebele entailed a hybrid of tradi- tions mixed up to form a new ethnic group, discrete from Zulu. Language debates therefore naturally provoked internal ethnic debates. By the s, we saw that the focus on defining an Ndebele was no longer as great a priority as it was in the s.

It was assumed that Ndebele identity was "given," as a broader regional identity in which Kalanga could imagine themselves as belonging. This type consists of a number of houses izindlu representing various households centered around a cattle enclosure isibaya. Other structures in the homestead include the boys' hut ilawu , various smaller huts for girls behind each house, and granaries.

Each house complex is separated from the other by an enclosure wall called isirhodlo. Pre-colonial Ndebele structures were of the thatched beehive dome-type. Since the late s, they have adopted a cone-on-cylinder type of structure consisting of mud walls and a thatched roof, while simultaneously reverting to a linear outlay that has replaced the circular center cattle pattern.

The present settlement pattern consists of a single house built on a square stand and occasionally providing for two or more extra buildings, as well as cattle and goat enclosures.

A wide range of modern building material and house designs have been introduced. Each clan associates itself with a totem animal or object.

Marital negotiations between the two sets of families are an extended process. These include the presentation in installments of six to eight heads of cattle, the last installment often given long after the birth of the first child. Fathers demand more bride-wealth for educated daughters.

Nowadays wealthy women with children often marry very late or stay single.

Weddings often involve a customary as well as a Christian ceremony. The married couple settles at the husband's village for a few years, and the new bride umakhothi is involved in cooking and the rearing of other small children of various households in the homestead. The taking of a substitute wife umngenandlu or ihlanzi , in cases of infertility, was still common in the s. In case of divorce, witchcraft accusation, and even infidelity, a woman is forced to return to her natal homestead.

Traditional Ndebele attire such as beaded aprons and blankets, and beaded arm bands and anklets for women are worn during ritual performances as indicated in Rites of Passage above.

FOOD The rural staple diet consists of maize, bread, vegetables, and, to a lesser extent, meat. Considering the climate and low rainfall in the rural area, very little maize is self-produced but is rather bought at stores, as is chicken, and if people can afford it, red meat. The only time when there is a relative abundance of meat is during rituals when cattle and goats are slaughtered. During the summer rain season September to March , many Ndebele women seem to be able to produce their own vegetables umrorho , such as two indigenous types of spinach imbuyane and irude , and tomatoes.

Spinach is often dehydrated, stored, and consumed during the winter months. Other popular vegetables include cabbage and pumpkin. Occasionally soft porridge umdogo is eaten with sour milk amasi during the day. Breakfast, in particular for school children, consists of sliced bread, often without any spread, and tea. Dinner as the main meal mostly consists of porridge, a piece of cooked chicken, tomato sauce, and spinach or cabbage.

No social event is regarded as complete without this drink of which the main components are mealie corn and sorghum sprouts. Sprouts are ground with a grinding stone imbokodo , cooked, sieved, and filtered, mixed with maize flour, and cooked again before being poured into large container gourds called amarhabha, which are then sealed and stored away to ferment for three to four days. The opening of the containers is often publicly announced to boast the skills of the manufacturer, usually an old woman and her younger team.

During the homeland period, teachers were grossly underqualified, classrooms were overcrowded, and text books were in perpetually short supply. Although school buildings and equipment were never damaged or destroyed, as was the case elsewhere in South Africa during the unrest periods , —87 , the area experienced frequent school boycotts, student and teacher stayaways, and strikes.

Another concern of parents during the late s was the complete absence of mother-tongue education and the lack of Ndebele-speaking teachers. Teaching in IsiNdebele could only be gradually introduced after The adult literacy rate in the area is low. The majority of female and male students have become early school drop-outs, mainly due to economic circumstances.

It appears as if the tide is turning as many early dropouts, after spending some time earning a salary, are now reregistering either as full-time or part-time students.

In the early 21st century, the education system is still hampered by lack of resources such as classrooms, textbooks, and qualified teachers. Women in particular are active participants in tribal singing and dancing since traditional costumes play an integral part.

Musical instruments are limited, although a plastic tube iphalaphala , replacing the antelope horn, and anklet rattles amahlwayi are used during the dance. A royal praise poet imbongi always accompanies the paramount and guests on arrival at the royal capital.

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When the paramount attends official meetings outside the royal capital, he is always presented to his audience by this same poet. Young people attend discos at night, or the occasional music concert in the area. Ndebele are particularly fond of local heroines such as Nothembi Mkhwebane. WORK The majority of Ndebele are daily, weekly, or monthly migrants to urban Johannesburg and Pretoria, where most women are employed in the domestic sector and men in the building and related industries.

There are few employment opportunities inside their home area.

Elderly women engage in hawking fresh produce near shopping centers and taxi stands. Likewise, men in the former bantustan have few job opportunities, mostly in the heavily competitive taxi industry; low-income industries such as vehicle repairs; and private enterprise, including selling liquor privately or running a bar lounge and opening spaza shops small-scale general stores at home. Economically, rural Ndebele depend heavily on the resources of urban kin to support the household.

Most male urban Ndebele employees have over the past four decades carved a niche for themselves in the building industry, a skill it is believed they obtained during the arduous years of indenture and labor tenancy on farms. Many of these building artisans are private contractors—bricklayers, plumbers, electricians, pavers, and painters—especially in the Pretoria region, and are in great demand. Others choose self employment and become street vendors in fresh produce or sell hot food vetkoek, meat and maize porridge.

The latter category cook food on paraffin or gas stoves, or on wood referred to as imbawula in open parking areas, on street corners, or alongside taxi ranks. SPORTS The sport of netball, introduced by the schools, is popular among girls, while soccer tops the list in terms of popularity among men and women. Bets are taken before most important matches in the South African Professional Soccer League itinerary. The most- talked-about Ndebele sports star is the Atlanta Olympic gold medalist in the marathon, Josiah Tung-wane.

Special honor was bestowed upon him when the late Paramount Mayisha presented him with a special Ndebele iporiyana ritual cloth for males. Unomkhwetwa usually involves two players who try to outdo each other by tossing a collection of stones up in the air and catching it without losing any stones, almost like juggling. Mural painting ukugwala is done by women and their daughters and entails the multicolored application of acrylic paint on entire outer and inner courtyard and house walls.

Mr Buthi Mziya also had a good time explaining what necessitated the new translation of the Ndebele Bible from the original languages, the challenges during the work and the beauty of having a faithful translation of the Bible in Ndebele. We then left for Esibomvu which is a rural area between Gwanda and Bulawayo. Since we had delayed in Bulawayo in the morning, our programs were somehow affected especially in Esibomvu.

We arrived very late in the afternoon. Some people thought we would not make it to the place. The meeting was held in a local community hall.

Here we had to make everything brief because it was getting late.

After brief introductions, I was called upon to give a word of exhortation. Then the brethren came in to talk about Bible versions, and lastly Mr Mziya talked about Ndebele Bible translation. We then started the distribution exercise. As the distribution progressed, some women in the audience started singing for joy after receiving free Bibles. There was so much joy among the rural community for having been blessed with Bibles, a thing which had never happened to them before.

Copies of Which Bible Version?

We were through with our program just before it got dark. The local team had prepared some food for us and those from distant places. We quickly took the meal and then started off for Bulawayo in a dust road connecting to a highway, using a different route from the previous one we used when going to Esibomvu. The photo on the right shows the joyful group after receiving Bibles and booklets. Thursday morning, 6 th October , the team decided that two of the members should go ahead to Victoria Falls town with 73 boxes of Bibles, while the rest of us go to Plumtree.

The Two brethren went by bus. They got there late in the afternoon and were welcomed by the local organising committee. We headed for Plumtree, a border town with Botswana, to continue with our program. We carried 22 boxes containing Bibles. We got there by midmorning. On our way the vehicle developed a fault of overheating.

Nevertheless, we got there safely. After prayer and introductions, I was invited to give a devotional word, which I did. Then Maxwell Msindo spoke on Bible versions, while Alex Madzongwe talked about the translation of the Ndebele Bible we were distributing. We then distributed Bibles and Which Bible Version?

The photo on the left shows the distribution of Bibles. We went to an auto spare shop where the driver bought flash liquid and used it thinking may be the cooling system has some blockage. They filled the radiator with some more water and we started our journey back to Bulawayo, and then proceed to Victoria Falls town.

Later the radiator was discovered to be leaking. The photo on the right shows our vehicle packed by the roadside. We stopped three times before we could get to Bulawayo. We got to Bulawayo early evening and went to Victoria Falls road to hitch hike. We got into a 7 seater car which had 5 people in it.The first Chimurenga war of liberation occurred in , when the Ndebele were joined by the Shona.

IBHAYIBHELI ELICWENGILEKO: isiNdebele Bible – 2012 Translation

Nevertheless, we got there safely. The photo on the right shows the joyful group after receiving Bibles and booklets.

Political leadership is male-dominated, although there is a growing challenge to this system from organizations seeking to raise more women to influential decision-making positions. After the services, we analyzed his words. There has been a steady movement of maize and goats from rural to urban areas. We joined in just when they were looking at Bible versions. Please walk together with this project by prayer, and you can send us the Bible text VPL: We arrived very late in the afternoon.

Zimbabwe provided more relief in the drought of and than did international donors.