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Back issues of Cosmopolitan. April Cosmopolitan. March May Cosmopolitan. April Cosmopolitan. March Cosmopolitan. PDF | Ulrich Beck asserts that global risks, such as climate change, in European Journal of Social Theory 18(3) · April with 31 Reads. From Liberal Democracy to the Cosmopolitan Canopy. Article (PDF Available) · April with 66 Reads. DOI: /ccs.v7i Cite this publication.
Nevertheless, these egalitarian cosmopolitans believe that lifting all restrictions on migration would be unjust because this would avoidably harm those who, globally speaking, are already the most unjustly disadvantaged. In this essay, I present a criticism of this position. I argue that even when they appear to help, restrictions on migration are usually only an impediment, not an aid, to cosmopolitan justice.
Even though egalitarian cosmopolitans are well intentioned in their support of migration restrictions, I will argue that these restrictions i are not truly cosmopolitan, and ii will not have the kinds of consequences they expect.
My argument in defense of this claim begins, in section 1, by outlining a version of this position as presented by Peter Higgins. When these factors are taken into consideration, it becomes apparent why there is no one good or right immigration policy that all states should come to adopt.
Higgins contends, correctly, that countries in the Global North today employ mostly self-serving immigration policies. Higgins, quoting Stephen castles and Mark Miller, believes that these policies function mainly as a way of mobilizing cheap labour for capital. It perpetuate[s] uneven development, exploiting the resources of poor countries, to make the rich richer.
Migration [is] as important as military hegemony and control of world trade and investment in keeping the Third World dependent on the first.
It does not promise to end world hunger, repair the environment, or bring peace on Earth. It does, however, have the virtue of at least not making things any worse. In this respect it seems uncontroversial, so one might worry that it will not add much to the ongoing immigration debate.
His account begins to diverge from more standard cosmopolitan views on migration, however, when it begins to question the actual egalitarian effect that open borders would have.
As Higgins writes: The evidence for the egalitarian global economic effects of open borders is essentially speculative. After all, wealthy, liberal states have never permitted free migration from much poorer countries in global economic circumstances remotely resembling those that obtain today, if they ever have.
Higgins provides three reasons for why this would be the case. In short, not only will free migration not improve the situation of the most unjustly disadvantaged, but also, in terms of real money, it will decrease their already less-than-a-dollar a day standard of living.
Second, the lifting of restrictions will increase the drain of social resources, in particular, the loss of a professional class, in countries of the Global South. As Higgins writes: The emigration of skilled, college educated, middle-class professionals in large numbers from relatively poor countries harms those who remain in several ways, but, in the most general sense, it does so by undermining prospects for human development.
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In fact, even if migrants do find more opportunities in the Global North, the kinds of harms they might have to endure in order to take advantage of these opportunities might far outweigh any benefits they end up receiving. If this is so, then it stands to reason that these sorts of avoidable harms to members of socially disadvantaged groups would only increase in a world without borders.
While I agree with Higgins that these three aforementioned problems do indeed present real and avoidable harms to those already unjustly disadvantaged, I think he goes too far in his endorsement of migration restrictions.
In fact, it seems that there might be some good reasons to believe that an open borders position could account for the PdP. If this is indeed the case—if the PdP and open borders are not as incompatible as Higgins makes them out to be—then maybe there are no good reasons for why cosmopolitan justice would ever require restrictions on migration.
Restrictions, Power differentials, and Social Structures In the section above, I summarized the three egalitarian problems that Higgins raises with open borders. These problems essentially boil down to two sets of harms: those harms that affect migrants who are members of socially disadvan- taged groups and those that effect non-migrating foreigners who are also members of socially disadvantaged groups.
Both sets of harms are serious, but as I will argue in these next two sections, they are either only tangentially related to migration or would be largely ameliorated in a world without borders. If this is correct, then this gives us a very good cosmopolitan reason for favoring certain restrictions on migration. This privilege a must therefore be obtained, and b is always subject to being revoked.
Because of power differentials, which these privileges both create and are embedded in, members of socially disadvantaged groups have been forced to suffer various injustices in order to obtain and also retain permission to migrate. In a world with- out borders, however, this would no longer be the case.
In such a world, members of socially disadvantaged groups would have a right to be present, and this right would not need to be obtained nor would it be subject to be revoked.
This shift from a privilege to a right would significantly lessen, if not eliminate, the power that brokers, recruiters, employers, and migration officials currently enjoy over immigrants. In short, while it is abundantly clear how migration restrictions can be used to harm or manipulate members of already disadvantaged social groups e.
While it might take away some of the power that brokers, recruiters, employers, and migration officials currently enjoy, opening borders will not put an end to larger and more ubiquitous structures of oppression such as patriarchal and racist social structures. In places like the united States, these structures are alive and well, and continue to disproportionately and avoidably harm anyone who belongs to a socially disadvantaged group. Higgins is right to be worried about this because even if immigrants are not harmed as immigrants, they can still be harmed as women and as people of color, and in that case, we might still have a situation where socially disadvantaged migrants are jumping out of the frying pan and into the fire.
In this case, however, the harm in question seems to go beyond the scope of im- migration justice. Higgins recognizes this and, for that reason, argues that members of socially disadvantaged groups, for their own good, should be restricted from migrating.
Higgins defends his view against the charge of pater- nalism, by suggesting that restrictions on migration are, at least in these sorts of cases, analogous to not letting someone enter our home when we are sick. With respect to the former, very little can be done to repair the situation, so keeping people away might be the best that can be expected.
Social structures, on the other hand, are not like this.
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Therefore, responding to social structures with restrictions will not only not help to repair them, but could in fact aid in their reproduction. Would restricting the access of women and people of color to that company or school, even if it is for their own good, not simply aid in reproducing the injustice? It is true that open borders will not solve the larger underlying problem of unjust social structures, but restrict- ing the movement of the socially disadvantaged will not solve it either.
In fact, we have good reason to suspect and an abundant amount of historical examples to confirm that restricting the movement of women and people of color only perpetuates these sorts of unjust social structures. Responding to Brain drain Even if we can account for this first set of harms, Higgins also believes that open borders would present harms for non-migrating members of socially dis- advantaged groups.
This situation has, again, disproportionally harmed those who, globally speaking, are already the most unjustly disadvantaged. Therefore, he reasons that cosmopolitan justice would require restrictions on professionals migrating from the Global South to the Global North. Second, the restrictions option has a lot of serious flaws, but these flaws only come to light when contrasted with an equally dubious response to brain drain. So, for the moment, let us assume that the flight of professionals from the Global South to the Global North does indeed present a harm to those who are already the most unjustly disadvantaged.
Why instead would it not require, as absurd as this might sound, that professionals from the Global North be deported to the Global South?
This is true, but it is also true that denying persons the right to exit is a violation of human rights. Accessed March 10, September 20, Harrowell, Elly. Science Direct. Hayden, Patrick. Cosmopolitan Global Politics. Aldershot: Ashgate, Heater, Derek. Johnson, Boris. Koblentz, Gregory. May, Theresa. McCrea, Rosalie Smith.
Office for National Statistics. Ostrand, Nicole. Newman, Otto, and Richard De Zoysa. SAGE Journals.
Peach, Guthlac Ceri Klaus. Powell, Enoch. Audio, Shapcott, Richard. Justice, Community, and Dialogue in International Relations. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, Syrian Observatory For Human Rights. Accessed March 8, Tam, Henry. Basingstoke: Macmillan, The Migration Observatory at the University of Oxford.
Accessed March 11, Last modified March 13, Van Hooft, Stan. Cosmopolitanism: A Philosophy for Global Ethics. Stocksfield: Acumen, Notes YouGov.My stories are always grounded on real life. Scoop up garlic and smear over bread. It feels so intimate. Around this time. I was inside her.
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Therefore, from a strictly consequentialist point of view, the idea of deporting profession- als from the Global North to the Global South seems like a well-intentioned but dubious enterprise. Cotton candy hues are anything but sweet. Enter Nick Pratley. It all boils down to the two of you.